Nation-Building

"We are one people, all of us pledging allegiance to the stars and stripes, all of us defending the United States of America. In the end, that's what this election is about." -- Barack Obama, DNC keynote address, July 2004

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Monday, January 31, 2005

 

Liberal bloggers react to the Iraqi elections

posted by praktike at Monday, January 31, 2005 permalink 2 comments View blog reactions
Whether you supported the initial invasion of Iraq or not, it's hard not to be inspired by yesterday's tremendous outpouring of hope and defiance. No, it wasn't perfect. No, it won't end the insugency tomorrow. No, one election does not a liberal democracy make. A lot of us have qualms about the viability of this project, to say the least. But yesterday was a day to be celebrated, for the Iraqis' sake. Remember that it's not all about US.

In that spirit, here are some of the best reactions from the liberal blogosphere. Not all of these folks agree on what should be done or on the prospects for going forward. But all of them celebrated a good and historic day for Iraq.



Publius put things in perspective:

Before I get to the substance of this post, I want to offer two words of advice – one to anti-war Democrats, and one to pro-war Republicans. To the anti-war Dems first (I’m considering abandoning the terms “left” and “right”), I would caution them to avoid knee-jerk rejection of all potentially good news just because of the justified animosity toward people like Bush or Glenn Reynolds. The elections yesterday were important and are worthy of praise – as is the courage of the Iraqis who faced death to vote. As much as I reject Bush, I’m not going to root for failure just to spite him, and neither should you. If we fail, and if this government fails, then the result will be an all-out slaughter, complete with genocide and ethnic cleansing right in the heart of an already unstable region. That is the reality of failure. And if you’re silently rooting for that reality, you need to take a step back and put things in perspective.

He also had some strong words of advice for those who would set expectations too high or use the lives and hopes of Iraqis as some sort of partisan club. Yesterday was certainly exciting and a success in many ways, but democracy is a slow and painstaking process. Folks would do well to remember that. And again, it's not all about US. It's about the Iraqis and what they want.

Chicago Life, the son of an Iraqi Assyrian dissident, wrote the following in his dKos diary:

My father was a freedom fighter in Iraq, a founder of several Assyrian pro-democracy groups, and was arrested and tortured; he was also the victim of an assassination attempt.

I write this to my fellow dKosers because I think it is important, in our observation of the war, to realize that many Iraqis did, in fact, support the war and continue to support the war effort. Now, my father and I are both as Democrat-y as they come--I worked on Kerry's campaign, currently work in the Labor movement, and am otherwise active in progressive politics.

So it is important to understand that Iraqis support the war effort and do feel positively about the elections; however, as my and my father's comments on MSNBC make clear, that does not mean we think the Bush administration has handled the war correctly or that holding elections translates to success. I think many Iraqis deplore the military situation over there--yet after 30+ years of Stalinist oppression, we were looking for anything to change the status quo. Today is a day to be positive about what is going on there. [...]

[MSNBC] asked why I, as an American-born citizen, felt it was important to vote. I replied that because people in Iraq were struggling to build a democracy, we shouldn't flunk our duty to support that struggle if we had the opportunity--and casting a ballot was showing solidarity. I also said that as Americans, we wanted to see the occupation end as soon as possible to bring our troops home. I was hoping the follow up to that would give me an opportunity to explain that enthusiastic participation in this election did not imply support for the Bush administration or the war (although I did initially support the war), but rather support for our troops and Iraqis.


Josh Marshall:

Good news has been hard to come by in Iraq for some time. So this unexpectedly high turn-out, relatively low level of violence, and what seems to have been a swelling tide of enthusiasm over the course of the day, is something more than very welcome news. It may also provide some indication or clue to explaining those polls which show, on the one hand, deep-seated Iraqi disenchantment with the US occupation, outrage over the persistent violence that afflicts the country, and yet also an underlying optimism about the future.

Disasters aren't turned around in a day; but this was a good day. Nobody should be surprised that people show up in large numbers in a country where elections have never or only seldom happened; that happens all the time. But I'm not sure I can think of a similar instance when voting has occurred amidst such immediate and credible threats of violence.

Ben P. of MyDD:

I feel compelled to write an essay saying why I am disappointed that more liberals have not recognized that the Iraqi elections were successful. Indeed, they were more successful than I imagined they would be. Really, just because Bush believes something or says something to be so doesn't make it not so. Remember, a broken clock is right twice a day. I have hardly been a strong advocate of this war (you might remember some of my posts to this effect), and would most certainly not support an invasion of say, Iran, because of one succesful election in Iraq. (and I'm sure I'll blog more in the future about issues such as these) But for most of Iraq's population, this election was a success - and is certainly a step in a positive direction.

Of course, I know all that it is wrong in Iraq and what could still go wrong - Sunni disenfranchisement/refusnikism, terrible security, very high unemployment, terrible infrastructure, and so on. But for a majority of non-Sunni Iraqis, this election really does represent a step towards a better life, if only in small measure. What, after all, do liberals believe in? Do we not believe in the enfranchisement of the formerly dispossessed and downtrodden? Do we not believe in democratic elections, even if flawed?

The Bull Moose, aka Marshall Wittman, added his own two cents:

The results of the Iraqi election are the first significant good news from Iraq since the end of the initial invasion. After over two years of chaos, turmoil, terror and Administration triumphalism and incompetence, the Iraqi people and our brave soldiers have achieved an advance for democracy in a part of the world that has only known tyranny.

We should not fall victim to either sour pessimism or irrational exuberance. As the Moose pointed out yesterday, the outcome of this struggle is by no means certain. Iraq will not soon, if ever, enjoy a Vermont type town hall democratic life - hopefully it will not lapse into a Putin like authoritarian state or an Iranian style theocracy. Nevertheless, for the Arab world, what transpired Sunday is profoundly important. Millions braved threats and attacks from fascist terrorists to cast a vote for a democratic future.

Brad Plumer:

Okay, I'll admit it—I've been swept up in the election fervor! From a rational standpoint, yes it's true that elections won't change much, and it's true that all the big problems still lie ahead. It's also generally true, as Swopa rightly points out, that these "one-man one vote" elections owe as much to Ayatollah Ali Sistani's agitating as to George W. Bush's foreign policy vision. But screw all that for now!

Eric Umansky:

The photos from the Times are remarkable and moving. Hopefully the early reports of unexpectedly high turnout will hold up--especially in Sunni areas. And if they do, hopefully that will take some wind out of the "withdraw-now" line, pushed by both some Dems and Republicans. The U.S.'s stay shouldn't be mainly driven by what the U.S. wants but instead by Iraqis. It's what we owe them.

Spencer Ackerman makes a slightly different point:

Seeing Iraqis vote yesterday--and celebrating that vote--was awe-inspiring. If the occupation has any reason for being, it's to ensure that we see that sight again and again and again over the coming years. And that involves asking ourselves very uncomfortable questions about what the relationship is between occupying Iraq and establishing Iraqi democracy.

Eric Martin savors the moment before looking ahead to the next few months:

As any reader of this site knows, I have been actively rooting for success in these elections and beyond - even offering my humble suggestions when I see an opening. The Iraqi people deserve this and much more. So it was with some trepidation that I watched the coverage of the elections, waiting for the other shoe to drop so to speak. Thus, it was immensely relieving to see that things went off relatively peaceful (yes, there was violence, death, and bloodshed, but compared to the fears, and compared to the recent levels of each, it was peaceful by contrast).

Unfortunately, there is not much time to bask in the electoral afterglow. As a friend, whose opinion on foreign policy matters I respect, commented to me via e-mail late Sunday: "now comes the hard part." Indeed. I am hoping that these elections have created a certain nationalistic momentum, and an invigorated sense of cooperation that can buttress efforts to tack the Iraqi body politic towards the embrace of inclusiveness and enlightened governance. An entire olive tree needs to be felled and carved up for the number of branches that need to pass hands over the next couple of months in order to see Iraq through its ordeal of fragmentation.

Eric ends with this thought:

With so many questions left unanswered, so many thorny issues to be smoothed out, and so many compromises needed to be struck, let's hope that these elections mark the beginning of an upward trend toward something positive and lasting. One small, but encouraging step.

I think we can all agree on that.

-praktike

 

Hillary collapsed, seems ok http://www.newsday.com/news/nationworld/nation/ny-usclin0201,0,5059195.story?coll=ny-top-span-headlines

posted by Aziz at Monday, January 31, 2005 permalink 0 comments View blog reactions
Hillary Clinton was scheduled to deliver a speech on Social Security, but fainted in front of the assembled crowd. She recovered and was not taken to a hospital. Full story below the fold...


BUFFALO -- Sen. Hillary Clinton collapsed during an appearance here Monday before delivering a speech on Social Security.

Clinton was not taken to a hospital and was expected to continue on with her schedule, an aide said.

Clinton was speaking in warm room in front of 150 people, according to one of her aides. She had been suffering from some sort of 24-hour flu.

"She was weak and needed to sit down. She fainted," said the aide, who spoke on condition of anonymity.

Colleen DiPirro, president of the Amherst Chamber of Commerce, told WBEN-AM radio that Clinton told the crowd she was feeling weak and had had a stomach virus. Clinton started to speak then collapsed, DiPirro told the radio station.

Clinton was at the Saturn Club in Buffalo, a private club in the city. The general manager of the club said Clinton walked out of the building under her own power and smiling.

"I saw her walk out the door by herself, she smiled and said 'thank you'," said the manager, Vincent Tracy.

 

I Scream, You Scream... http://www.cnn.com/2005/ALLPOLITICS/01/31/dems.chair.ap/index.html

posted by Christopher at Monday, January 31, 2005 permalink 0 comments View blog reactions

... we all scream for Howard Dean!

CNN (and blogforamerica) reports that Dean has secured the endorsement of the State Party Chairs. The Fowler endorsement was only from a few members of the Executive Committee. Today, the entire body overwhelmingly stood up for change and a strong game plan by endorsing Dean.

The final vote was Dean-56, Fowler-21, Frost-5, Rosenberg-3, Webb-3, and Roemer-3.


Sunday, January 30, 2005

 

Purple Nation

posted by Aziz at Sunday, January 30, 2005 permalink 4 comments View blog reactions
This is why George W. Bush - and Howard Dean - were right to believe that the elections should not have been delayed:

purplefinger

Iraqi women show off their ink stained fingers after voting at a polling station in the Salhiyah district of Baghdad.(AFP/Ali al-Saadi)


BTW I'd like to encourage all of you with a dKos account to go and recommend this diary by Zackpunk. Let's show the naysayers that freedom is a Purple virtue.

 

Iraqi Elections http://www.friendsofdemocracy.info/

posted by Brian at Sunday, January 30, 2005 permalink 0 comments View blog reactions
Everyone is reporting solid turnout in the Iraqi elections, with millions of people turning out to vote for the Parliament that will take responsibility for writing the country's Constitution and representing them in the immediate future. They came, they went into voting booths, and they cast ballots to signify their preferences, preferences which we can assume will shortly be transferred into action as those chosen assume their offices. There were threats of violence, and many feared rivers of blood due to terrorist attacks, but they still came. There was cynicism as many claimed the U.S. would rig the elections, but they still came. They had to get their finger inked when some have threatened to kill anyone who voted, but they still came.

read on...


This triumph is marred by the boycott in the Sunni regions, but that these elections were a triumph cannot be disputed. It is a triumph for the Iraqis who voted, asserting their right to control their own destiny, for the soldiers and civilian volunteers who helped organize the protect the polls, and for the values on which these United States were founded and to which people across the political spectrum subscribe. Long after President Bush is gone, we can look back and praise the brave men and women of this day, and say that at this, their moment, they represented us well. In the coming days and weeks I will undoubtedly find myself highlighting many problems with Iraq's trajectory and our ability to defeat the insurgency. But this is a day worth celebrating. In Iraq, freedom was on the march, and I'm proud that this country had its back.

Cross-posted to my blog

 

May classical liberalism triumph in Iraq

posted by Aziz at Sunday, January 30, 2005 permalink 0 comments View blog reactions
and may all patriots of Iraq cast their vote in safety and certainty. Whatever the failures of policy, this one thing we can all agree upon, that Iraq's future is cast from today's mold, and that mold is better - perhaps not perfect, but better - for having replaced Saddam Hussein with democratic elections.


The elections are going to be violent today. People will die. A majority of Sunnis and possibly even a significant fraction of Shi'a will refuse to participate, or be cowed from participating. The Kurds remain a wildcard in a nation on the brink of civil war.

And yet there is something fundamental and primal about the mandate that the first elected government of Iraq in the modern era will lay claim to. Something that gives rise to hope, fragile and ephemeral as it may seem.

And remember, a struggling democracy, possibly even more fragile than Iraq, remains under siege in Afghanistan, though it hasn't received anywhere near as much attention.

We classical liberals, we neo-wilsonians, have a lot to be hopeful for, at the dawn of this new year.

Saturday, January 29, 2005

 

Tipping Points and Presumptions http://news.yahoo.com/news?tmpl=story&cid=589&u=/ap/20050127/ap_on_re_la_am_ca/guantanamo_sex_vs_faith_2&printer=1

posted by Charles Bird at Saturday, January 29, 2005 permalink 2 comments View blog reactions
For the most part, I have defended the practice of denying the detainees at Guantanamo Bay prisoner-of-war status, and I still stand by it. What I can't tolerate, however, is the mistreatment of those detainees. The stated policy is that, while these men do not merit POW classification under the Geneva Conventions, they would be treated humanely. Over the months, many allegations have come out about the treatment of detainees. Some released detainees said they were treated reasonably well. Others have made harsh claims, bordering on the outlandish. When this piece by the Mirror came out, I dismissed it. To me, it still remains implausible that "a diet of foul water and food up to 10 years out-of-date left inmates malnourished". However, one of the claims that I ridiculed in the Mirror was this:




Prisoners who had never seen an "unveiled" woman before would be forced to watch as the hookers touched their own naked bodies.

The men would return distraught. One said an American girl had smeared menstrual blood across his face in an act of humiliation.

Jamal said: "I knew of this happening about 10 times. It always seemed to be those who were very young or known to be particularly religious who would be taken away.

"I would joke with the other British lads, 'Bring them to us - we'll have them'. It made us laugh. But the Americans obviously knew we wouldn't be shocked by seeing Western women, so they didn't bother.

"It was a profoundly disturbing experience for these men. They would refuse to speak about what had happened. It would take perhaps four weeks for them to tell a friend - and we would shout it out around the whole block."


Now, however, this once outlandish claim is not so outlandish.

Female interrogators tried to break Muslim detainees at the U.S. prison camp in Guantanamo Bay by sexual touching, wearing a miniskirt and thong underwear and in one case smearing a Saudi man's face with fake menstrual blood, according to an insider's written account.


The source for this story is a 29-year old Army sergeant who is a non-Muslim American. This report, in addition to earlier statements by FBI agents, tells me one thing: I've been chumped. Detainees have not been treated humanely. Those officials at Gitmo who have stated that detainees were treated humanely have either lied or were duped.

Quite frankly, this flat out ticks me off. My position on torture and mistreatment of detainees/prisoners is pretty similar to von's (also here) at Obsidian Wings: There's no reason for it, except for ticking time bomb/battlefield situations. Application of "stress techniques" is also highly troublesome, because it's too easy to take them too far. The humane treatment of detainees and prisoners is a conservative position, and conservatives should call out the Bush administration when credible charges of mistreatment occur. There are going to be more and more reports coming out on this debacle. It's time to clean house at Guantanamo. Those responsible for this mistreatment should have their asses fired. If that includes Rumsfeld, then so be it.

The AP story on female interrogators was a tipping point for me. Why? Because when FBI agents make reports such as these, it's time to take notice. When an Army sergeant with no apparent axe to grind writes of mistreatment, it's time to take notice. When I carry the presumption of the official line--that the treatment of detainees is humane--and later get chumped by it, it's time to get pissed off. Today, for me, the presumption that the American government treats detainees humanely no longer applies, it's a sad day when my government has lost that presumption. When more allegations emerge, and they will, they have to be treated seriously. Clean house now.

Friday, January 28, 2005

 

Ickes Endorses Dean http://www.sfgate.com/cgi-bin/article.cgi?f=/news/archive/2005/01/28/national1626EST0624.DTL

posted by Christopher at Friday, January 28, 2005 permalink 0 comments View blog reactions
Longtime Clinton aide, and onetime candidate for DNC Chair, Harold Ickes, announced his support to Howard Dean today. Is the tide turning? Ickes' endorsement means a whopping 50 more DNC delegates to Dean's existing 50. He's almost halfway to the approximately 200+ that he needs to win. Check out the link from the AP.

"I think all the candidates who are running have strong attributes, but Dean has more of the attributes than the others," said Ickes, who considered running for chairman himself before dropping out in early January. "Many people say Howard Dean is a northeastern liberal, he is progressive, but his tenure as governor of Vermont was that of a real moderate."

Ickes said Dean "has a real ability to communicate with people in leadership, but also to grass-roots and average Americans. He understands the need for party building."

Ickes' endorsement comes at a critical time in the chairman's race and gives Dean almost 50 of the more than 215 votes he would need to win the post.

 

Five Things Dean Supporters Can Do Right Now to Fight Terrorism

posted by praktike at Friday, January 28, 2005 permalink 7 comments View blog reactions
Or: how I stopped worrying and learned to support the spread of democracy in the Middle East.

Hello, Dean Nation!

The incomparable Aziz P. has kindly invited me to post here in addition to my usual perches at Liberals Against Terrorism and Chez Nadezhda. For that, I thank him, and I hope that I do him credit.

Like perhaps most readers of this site, I'm not a fan of the Bush Administration. Last year I devoted a goodly portion of my life to ousting it, including a trip to freezing cold Cedar Rapids and Waterloo, Iowa, where I canvassed for the Dean Campaign in the runup to the caucuses. I admit that I lost faith in the Dean movement after that, and I floundered around a bit in trying to figure out who to support, eventually setting upon Johnny Sunshine Edwards (or was it Clark?). I have never been a big fan of John Kerry, to say the least.

It's tempting to fall into cynical sniping, which I myself have done at times. But I find it dispiriting and ultimately corrosive to my soul to focus on what I oppose rather than what I support. And it's also frustrating to feel powerless.
With that bit of introduction out of the way, here's my list of concrete things you can do in spite of the unfortunate fact that George W. Bush is President of the United States.

1. Support the growth of civil society in the Middle East. It would be incredibly sad if the large gap between the Bush Administration's soaring rhetoric and its policies obscured the fact that the peoples of the Middle East really do want a better life, and many of them are devoting their lives to change. While there is an ongoing debate in the literature about thresholds and phasing and when to have elections and so forth--to say nothing of the advisability of regime change by force--everyone agrees that it is vital that non-governmental organizations develop their capacity and independence. There are a number of brave dissidents of one stripe or another in the Middle East who are working for change, and they deserve our support when they are threatened or suppressed by the regimes. When the Bush Administration fails to live up to its stated ideals, as, for instance, it has already failed to do
in Jordan, think in terms of the real world good you can do by holding Bush's feet to the fire rather than the partisan advantage you can obtain by bashing him. In Iraq, you can support the efforts of brave Iraqis who are making an effort in spite of incredible odds by supporting Spirit of America's Friends of Democracy project. Even if you think that the Iraq War was a bad idea and that the nation-building project there is doomed, these people deserve a shot at their dreams. And as you ought to be able to tell from a quick read of their blog, the election-related news they are conveying is real, unvarnished and not some kind of mindless propaganda like you might get elsewhere. Friends of Democracy is exactly the sort of grassroots project that can work to build civil capacity and potential allies across the Middle East.

2. Push for higher gas taxes.
Interestingly, a number of prominent neoconservatives are finally starting to understand the importance of reducing the leverage that Persian Gulf autocrats have over American foreign policy and their own disempowered people. While true energy independence is probably a fantasy, the reduction of oil consumption is both an intrinsic good and a necessary pillar of longterm American security. According to most economists, gas taxes are the most efficient way to improve fuel economy standards and reduce the oil intensity of the American economy, which is the amount of oil it takes to produce a dollar of GDP. The lower the oil intensity, the less worried we need to be that a sudden disruption in oil supplies will cripple the American economy. And that will give the United States greater flexibilty to distance ourselves from and/or pressure Saudi Arabia to reform and diversify its economy and society. So write, call, and fax your Congresscritters and tell them that you want to address this problem and are willing to pay more. Congresscritters are generally followers rather than leaders, so they need grassroots political cover before they are willing to take a clear stand. If you really want to get serious, get a bike or a Prius.

3. Make connections with Muslims here in America and abroad. As Thomas Barnett says, disconnectedness
rather than radical Islam is the broader danger. The Bush Administration has done a lousy job in reaching out to Muslims, only a tiny percentage of whom support the Al Qaeda agenda (note that Ayman al-Zawahiri himself has admitted that the program of the radical Islamist vanguard has repeatedly failed to mobilize the Muslim masses, which is why have turned to violence). But opposition to American policies in the ME and among Muslims elsewhere is overwhelming and real (albeit hardly monolithic), and according to recent polls has been bleeding over into dislike for the American people themselves. This is a dangerous development. Be a personal ambassador, if not for American policies then for American values and people. Make an effort to read and link to Muslim blogs, and try to understand what they are saying about their faith and their aspirations. Whereas the American right has often shown a prediliction toward maximizing our list of enemies, we liberals can make a personal commitment to improving the conversation and developing allies. Luckily, Aziz and alt.muslim have already done the legwork to identify the best of the best Muslim blogs.

4. Take the threat of terrorism seriously. Just because the Bush Administration says that something is true doesn't mean it is not (although this is probably a good rule of thumb for Social Security and budget policy). While I think that the Bush Administration, most egregiously during the Republican National Convention, has used the issue of terrorism as a club with which to bash the Demcratic Party, it's an issue that isn't going away. In fact, it's probably going to get worse, in part due to Bush Administration mistakes, in part due to a global upswing of extremism in response to globalization, and in part due to the excitement that the September 11th attacks caused in radical Islamist circles. This excellent but terrifying PBS Frontline special about Al Qaeda in Europe is not completely online quite yet, but once you watch it I guarantee you will not take the threat lightly if you do so now.

5. Educate yourself about the issues. One of the best ways to win debates is to know more than your opponents. Don't just depend on the news or you will lack the proper context and get caught up in political jibs and jabs and byzantine bureaucratic wars. Few Americans have read the Arab Human Development Reports, for instance, which were written by Arabs and for Arabs under the auspices of the United Nations. Read them and see what Arabs themselves say about the needs and aspirations of their own societies.
Learn the names of terrorist organizations, especially Al Qaeda, their leaders, and their goals; the best book on Al Qaeda for my money is Rohan Gunaratna's Inside Al Qaeda. Learn about mainstream Islam and learn to identify the many, many ways in which it differs from extremist political ideology. For my money, the handiest reference on American national security is William Arkin's new book, Code Names, which, in addition to exposing all sorts of secrets, provides a handy snapshot on our relationships and agreements around the world. If you don't want to buy a new book, I recommend subscribing to Steven Aftergood's Secrecy News (which compiles very informative and timely "leaked" Congressional Research Reports and other government documents) and reading the incredibly comprehensive and reliable GlobalSecurity.org.

Got other ideas? Disagree?

Let me know in the comments below.

Note: removed the offending language

Thursday, January 27, 2005

 

Against torture

posted by Aziz at Thursday, January 27, 2005 permalink 3 comments View blog reactions
I oppose Alberto Gonzales for Attorney General. To nominate him is to validate his position that torture is acceptable and that the Geneva Conventions are non-binding, at the President's discretion. I do not believe that embracing human decency ever takes an "option off the table" as others have argued - for such pragmatism, bereft of principle, leads America to moral equivalence with those we seek to depose.

Gonzales must not be rewarded for his role in eroding our moral high ground. Accountability for Abu Ghraib. No to Alberto for AG.

Aside: I hope that the Democrats hold the line against Gonzales. I am especially hoping not to be disappointed by Hillary Clinton on this matter, though since she's not my senator there's precious little say I have in the matter. Hillary voted for Rice, which did not disappoint me as much as it did others, but confirming Gonzales would be a bitter pill to swallow. Not a deal-breaker, but bitter nontheless. How will Kerry vote? How will Bayh?

Wednesday, January 26, 2005

 

the polygamists are coming! http://www.redstate.org/story/2005/1/26/182844/204

posted by Aziz at Wednesday, January 26, 2005 permalink 5 comments View blog reactions
Paul at RedState argues that gay marriage is the slippery slope towards polygamy (and, presumably, much worse):

This is a real legal problem for proponents of gay marriage — insofar as they are also opponents of polygamy. ... if one wants gay marriage but no polygamy, one must, I fear, either descend into slick sophistry, or stare a pulverizing contradiction in the face


Paul makes this assertion but does not justify it, and neither does the article he quotes. But what evidence is there for it? I really don't see why polygamy neccessarily follows from gay marriage. There seem to be successive lines in the sand, but society is deciding which one to embrace. There are enough gays who want to be in a marriage that moving away from "one man and one woman" towards "two people" definitions of marriage seems a natural broadening.

Read on...



However, extending the definition to "N people" seems much more radical a change. For one thing, gay couples are as socially conservative with respect to attitudes towards monogamy as hetero couples, so any theoretical attempt at legalized polygamy would face concerted opposition from a unified hetero/gay monogamy front.

Also, polygamists are in such a tiny minority (I mean, not even Mormons do it anymore) that they lack even the "ten percent" rhetoric of the gay movement, let alone any organizational strength. Where is the broad-based support? Not even in Vermont :)

Additionally, the basic arguments about gay rights which gay couples desire to have on equal basis with married heteros do not scale to polygamous situations (visitation, financial, etc). Its a huge paradigm shift in going from a couple to a collective.

Finally, polygamy is illegal. Being a monogamous homosexual is not. Any attempt to rationalize polygamy would have to challenge that lifestyle's legal status before any "progress" could be made on any other front. And what polygamist is going to acknowledge breaking the law? Theirs is a behind-closed-doors under-radar existence. Coming out, as it were, represents enormous risk. The cost benefit of advocating polygamous marriage is vanishingly small. The would-be polygamist would have to assert that they *intend* to get married to N people AFTER polygamy is legalized for their argument to have any weight, and in so doing, they admit that polygamy is not something they currently engage in. Gay couples, in contrast, are gay regardless of whether they are married or not. They can better argue that being gay is as much a condition as it is a choice.

Ultimately, I support gay marriage because the concept of monogamy - even as practiced by gay people - is one that society needs to lace higher on the list of values. We heterosexuals have devalued marriage through 24 hour divorces, annulments, and whatnot - here we have a cohort of people forcefully arguing for a sea change in the positive direction of these values we want to promote.

I consider arguments that equate gay marriage to polygamy, or worse, bestiality or necrophilia etc (as I had to endure yesterday afternoon on Houston talk radio) to be a dehumanizing tactic rather than a legitimate debating one. The slippery slope argument falls apart because people are not corpses, dogs, etc. They are human beings. And their desire to have a union of devotion and faithfulness is one that many heteros should take a lesson from.

Really, the best way to deal with the marriage issue is to get teh givernment out of it. I am married to my wife; this is fact, not because of my marriage certificate but because of our bind and our sacrament. I would prefer to see all traces of marriage erased from the government books and civil unions that encourage monogamous behavior instituted, completely gender-neutral. Let the churches synagogues and mosques define marriage, as it should be.

Tuesday, January 25, 2005

 

Ideas vs Logistics

posted by Aziz at Tuesday, January 25, 2005 permalink 1 comments View blog reactions
I have been reflecting more on why I think Dean is a better choice for DNC Chair than Smon Rosenberg - and why I fully understand why Trippi could not endorse Dean. It boils down to ideas vs logistics.

During the campaign, Dean was in many ways the ideas visionary, and Trippi the logistics visionary. The reason there is a cult of personality around Dean is because he spoke plainly about what he believed and those beliefs were grounded in common sense, and a real belief in the power of the ordinary citizen to effect change. Given that he was governor of the state where Ethan Allen once marshaled his boys, I think that Dean represented a raw form of the American political tradition, one that we haven't seen in a century or two and thus was all the more powerful in its impact.

What I am getting at is that Dean attracted me long before I'd heard of Trippi (as the first post at Dean Nation plainly shows). Was he ever really Presidential material? I think that the definition of Presidential material has decayed - and to make attaining the Presidency possible for men like Dean again, we need to rectify that. Read on...


So, I am for Dean for DNC Chair because I think he can effect the kind of change upon the political system that will bring that raw, citizen-first political tradition back to the fore. The DNC, remade as Dean has proposed into greater emphasis at the local and state level, is more uniquely suited to this task than the GOP, which is a strictly top-down monoparty structure. While Simon Rosenberg has great ideas, I don't see in him the same revolutionary spirit. I see Simon Rosenberg as a Trippi kind of guy, not a Dean kind of guy- and so I think that with Dean as DNC Chair, and Simon in a supporting role, we can get teh best of both worlds and transform state politics the way that Dean and Tripp transformed presidential politics.

If Simon gets the nod, then there will be reform, but not transformation. The Trippi guys can't achieve that on their own - they don't inspire the cult of personality which motivates the common man to think, "hey, it really is about ME.". It's not surprising at all that Trippi endorses Simon because he never really grokked that Dean himself was the inspiration; to Trippi, it was all about the netroots and the mechanics. Trippi dismisses Dean in the first chapter of his book with his Iowa anecdote; he never really saw how central Dean was to the revolution.

So, it's the transformation towards citizen politics (as opposed to politician politics) that I want to see. Dean would have been a fine President, but he can't get there until *after* that transformation is complete. He may never be President (and I'm already leaning Hillary for 2008, so Dean as DNC Chair also makes any divisive competition between them largely a moot issue) but as DNC Chair he will make it possible for men (or women) like him to someday again be President.

Monday, January 24, 2005

 

Why Dean Should Take Charge http://www.salon.com/opinion/index.html?lid=opinion_Top&lpos=Top_opinion

posted by Christopher at Monday, January 24, 2005 permalink 2 comments View blog reactions
Writer Mark Hertsgaard ("Earth Odyssey," among other titles - a wonderful book, btw), pens a column for Salon.com on why Dean is precisely the right choice to lead the Democrats at the DNC.

Well worth reading. An excerpt:

"... in the wake of the Democrats' loss to President Bush in November, Dean's political message, and especially the way he delivers it, looks better and better.

Dean, after all, was right about the central issue of the 2004 election -- the Iraq war. Nowadays, a majority of the American public believes that attacking Iraq was a bad idea. Dean was saying this -- and being criticized for it -- in the fall of 2003.

Dean was also right when he said Democrats should be the party not only of urban liberals but of "guys with Confederate flags in their pickup trucks," another comment he was derided for. But in view of how many centrist voters chose President Bush over John Kerry, even though Kerry's economic policies would have benefited them more, Dean's call to reach out to culturally conservative voters was prescient.

Above all, Dean was right that Democrats would win only if they told voters exactly what they stood for and why. Kerry never did that, especially on Iraq, where his reluctance to call the war (and not just its prosecution) a mistake let the president off the hook on his most vulnerable issue."

Thursday, January 20, 2005

 

Obama in '08? I don't think so http://www.chicagotribune.com/news/columnists/ericzorn/chi-0501200190jan20,1,3759698.column?coll=chi-news-hed&ctrack=1&cset=true

posted by Aziz at Thursday, January 20, 2005 permalink 6 comments View blog reactions
Color me singularly unconvinced by this weak article by Eric Zorn which seeks to argue Obama will run for the Presidency in '08. The only good point is that the longer the Senate record, the weaker the candidate. Maybe it's my Hillary bias but I just don't see Obama as ready for prime time yet. He's an amazing speaker and articulates precisely the vision of Purple Nation that I want to see, but is pretty untested in an electoral sense - I mean, beating Alan Keyes doesn't exactly give Karl Rove night sweats.

full article below the fold for your analysis (trib is reg. reqd).


'08 reasons why Obama will run for president

Published January 20, 2005

"I am not running for president. I am not running for president in four years. I am not running for president in 2008."

--Barack Obama, Nov. 3, 2004

Oh, but he will.

And here, for your Inauguration Day reading pleasure, are the top 8 reasons why the new junior senator from Illinois will change his mind about '08.

1. He can't be sure when the bloom will fade.

Sure, Obama is a huge celebrity now, an eloquent, charismatic embodiment of the best the Democratic Party can offer. But The Next Big Thing multiplied by Overexposure plus Time equals Yesterday's News.

Momentum like he has now is a powerful commodity, and there's no guarantee--not even much chance--that he'll still have anything like it in 2012.

2. The Democratic field appears weak.

Hillary Clinton has come out on top of every survey I've seen in which pollsters ask Democrats whom they'd like to see atop the ticket in 2008.

But I suspect this is the name-recognition factor at work, and that when primary season rolls around, Democrats will see her as a poisonously polarizing figure who will build a bridge back to the 20th Century and those dreadful Clinton Wars.

Other names mentioned along with Obama include John Edwards, John Kerry, Al Gore, Howard Dean, Wesley Clark, Joseph Biden, Tom Vilsack, Mark Warner, Russ Feingold, Evan Bayh, Harold Ford Jr. and Bill Richardson.

Among average Democrats, Obama's is the only name that doesn't tend to provoke either a yawn, a puzzled look or an anguished cry of, "Please, God, not again!"

3. The Republican field looks weak too.

Vice President Dick Cheney is out of the picture for health reasons, so unless he resigns and someone else takes his place, the 2008 presidential election will be the first since 1952 in which an incumbent president or vice president isn't running.

Former New York Mayor Rudy Giuliani might be formidable in the general election but is too moderate to survive the GOP primary process. Sen. John McCain's time will have passed. Ahn-old can't run because he's foreign-born.

There's talk of Bill Frist, George Pataki, George Allen, Mitt Romney, Bill Owens, Chuck Hagel, Haley Barbour and Jeb Bush, but it doesn't leave Democrats crumpled in despair and resignation.

4. Another shooting-star, hope-for-tomorrow politician is coming up behind him in the Democratic ranks.

Four years ago, Obama was a little-known state senator still licking his wounds after taking a 30-point thrashing in a 2000 congressional primary.

And though we don't know who he is today, four years from now, some currently obscure but brilliant young man or woman will be the talk of Washington and on everybody's short list for the 2012 national ticket.

The brass ring may also still be there for Obama to grab in 2012, but ...

5. A long voting record in Congress has a way of muddying the track for presidential hopefuls.

We're often reminded that, though many have tried, only two men in history--Warren G. Harding, in 1921, and John F. Kennedy, in 1961--have moved directly from the U.S. Senate to the White House.

A big reason seems to be that the legislative process demands significant compromises and yes/no votes on often complicated proposals--all of which opponents then twist, chop into misleading sound bites and throw back in your face during campaigns.

6. The chance might not present itself again until 2016.

If another Democrat wins the presidency in 2008, that person will likely run for re-election in 2012. In 2016 Obama will only be 54 going on 55, but reasons 1, 4 and 5 above suggest he won't be as attractive a candidate.

7. He'll have the money.

Obama is the Midas of fundraisers these days, and his spokesman Robert Gibbs says his campaign fund still (already) has roughly $600,000.

8. He'll want at least to lay the groundwork for future national races.

Win or lose, making friends in Iowa and New Hampshire and testing himself in the early caucus-primary season against tougher challengers than Alan Keyes won't hurt Obama's long-term prospects. His political style is well-suited to small-state races.

Gibbs denied again Wednesday that Obama will run in 2008.

Don't you believe it.

Tuesday, January 18, 2005

 

Welcome, Maya Armstrong http://www.mydd.com/story/2005/1/18/3583/53708

posted by Aziz at Tuesday, January 18, 2005 permalink 0 comments View blog reactions
Please join me in welcoming Maya Armstrong, daughter of Dean Nation alum Jerome, to the world :) Jerome has been facing down a storm of nonsense from other quarters, and so the arrival of Maya will surely be a salve for his sanity.

Well, until she's two years old, at any rate, and learns the word "no." (sigh)

Monday, January 17, 2005

 

confession: Hillary '08 could be cool

posted by Aziz at Monday, January 17, 2005 permalink 1 comments View blog reactions
I have to admit, that a Hillary Clinton run in 2008 looks really appealing to me. Part of it is that I'm fascinated by her life story. Another is that she isn't the knee-jerk liberal that she's been made out to be - much like Dean. Her positions on immigration for example are well to the right of President Bush in some aspects. She is a true student of law and an intellectual in her own right, yet she doesn't seem to have forgotten her lower-middle-class roots. A Dean vs Hillary primary would be enormous fun, too. I reject the argument that Hillary is a divisive figure - given her immigration stand she could well be a crossover candidate, and as such represents a truly Purple alternative to Blue stalwarts like Gore or Kerry.

And of course if she is followed by George P, and he is followed by Chelsea, we could have the whole Bush - Clinton - Clinton - Bush - Bush - Clinton - Clinton - Bush - Bush - Clinton - Clinton thing going on, which would be hilarious for sixth graders in 2074. Assuming the Republic still stands.

UPDATE: Like Chris, I am just baffled by the Hillary hatred on the left.

 

Letter from a Birmingham Jail - April 16, 1963 http://almaz.com/nobel/peace/MLK-jail.html

posted by Aziz at Monday, January 17, 2005 permalink 0 comments View blog reactions
The Reverend Martin Luther King wrote this letter while incarcerated on a charge of parading without a permit. It was in response to prominent white religious leaders of the Methodist, Presbyterian, Baptist and Roman Catholic churches, and Reform Judaism, who were against his protest marches, fearing violence. In this letter, MLK draws upon theologians from each of the clergymen's own traditions, including the Catholic Saint Thomas Aquinas, the 20th-century Protestant theologian Paul Tillich, and the Jewish philosopher Martin Buber to argue that segregation reduced black Americans to "the status of things." This is an intellectual tour-de-force.


MY DEAR FELLOW CLERGYMEN:

While confined here in the Birmingham city jail, I came across your recent statement calling my present activities "unwise and untimely." Seldom do I pause to answer criticism of my work and ideas. If I sought to answer all the criticisms that cross my desk, my secretaries would have little time for anything other than such correspondence in the course of the day, and I would have no time for constructive work. But since I feel that you are men of genuine good will and that your criticisms are sincerely set forth, I want to try to answer your statements in what I hope will be patient and reasonable terms.

I think I should indicate why I am here In Birmingham, since you have been influenced by the view which argues against "outsiders coming in." I have the honor of serving as president of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, an organization operating in every southern state, with headquarters in Atlanta, Georgia. We have some eighty-five affiliated organizations across the South, and one of them is the Alabama Christian Movement for Human Rights. Frequently we share staff, educational and financial resources with our affiliates. Several months ago the affiliate here in Birmingham asked us to be on call to engage in a nonviolent direct-action program if such were deemed necessary. We readily consented, and when the hour came we lived up to our promise. So I, along with several members of my staff, am here because I was invited here I am here because I have organizational ties here.

But more basically, I am in Birmingham because injustice is here. Just as the prophets of the eighth century B.C. left their villages and carried their "thus saith the Lord" far beyond the boundaries of their home towns, and just as the Apostle Paul left his village of Tarsus and carried the gospel of Jesus Christ to the far corners of the Greco-Roman world, so am I. compelled to carry the gospel of freedom beyond my own home town. Like Paul, I must constantly respond to the Macedonian call for aid.

Moreover, I am cognizant of the interrelatedness of all communities and states. I cannot sit idly by in Atlanta and not be concerned about what happens in Birmingham. Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere. We are caught in an inescapable network of mutuality, tied in a single garment of destiny. Whatever affects one directly, affects all indirectly. Never again can we afford to live with the narrow, provincial "outside agitator" idea. Anyone who lives inside the United States can never be considered an outsider anywhere within its bounds.

You deplore the demonstrations taking place In Birmingham. But your statement, I am sorry to say, fails to express a similar concern for the conditions that brought about the demonstrations. I am sure that none of you would want to rest content with the superficial kind of social analysis that deals merely with effects and does not grapple with underlying causes. It is unfortunate that demonstrations are taking place in Birmingham, but it is even more unfortunate that the city's white power structure left the Negro community with no alternative.

In any nonviolent campaign there are four basic steps: collection of the facts to determine whether injustices exist; negotiation; self-purification; and direct action. We have gone through an these steps in Birmingham. There can be no gainsaying the fact that racial injustice engulfs this community. Birmingham is probably the most thoroughly segregated city in the United States. Its ugly record of brutality is widely known. Negroes have experienced grossly unjust treatment in the courts. There have been more unsolved bombings of Negro homes and churches in Birmingham than in any other city in the nation. These are the hard, brutal facts of the case. On the basis of these conditions, Negro leaders sought to negotiate with the city fathers. But the latter consistently refused to engage in good-faith negotiation.

Then, last September, came the opportunity to talk with leaders of Birmingham's economic community. In the course of the negotiations, certain promises were made by the merchants --- for example, to remove the stores humiliating racial signs. On the basis of these promises, the Reverend Fred Shuttlesworth and the leaders of the Alabama Christian Movement for Human Rights agreed to a moratorium on all demonstrations. As the weeks and months went by, we realized that we were the victims of a broken promise. A few signs, briefly removed, returned; the others remained.

As in so many past experiences, our hopes bad been blasted, and the shadow of deep disappointment settled upon us. We had no alternative except to prepare for direct action, whereby we would present our very bodies as a means of laying our case before the conscience of the local and the national community. Mindful of the difficulties involved, we decided to undertake a process of self-purification. We began a series of workshops on nonviolence, and we repeatedly asked ourselves : "Are you able to accept blows without retaliating?" "Are you able to endure the ordeal of jail?" We decided to schedule our direct-action program for the Easter season, realizing that except for Christmas, this is the main shopping period of the year. Knowing that a strong economic with with-drawal program would be the by-product of direct action, we felt that this would be the best time to bring pressure to bear on the merchants for the needed change.

Then it occurred to us that Birmingham's mayoralty election was coming up in March, and we speedily decided to postpone action until after election day. When we discovered that the Commissioner of Public Safety, Eugene "Bull" Connor, had piled up enough votes to be in the run-oat we decided again to postpone action until the day after the run-off so that the demonstrations could not be used to cloud the issues. Like many others, we waited to see Mr. Connor defeated, and to this end we endured postponement after postponement. Having aided in this community need, we felt that our direct-action program could be delayed no longer.

You may well ask: "Why direct action? Why sit-ins, marches and so forth? Isn't negotiation a better path?" You are quite right in calling, for negotiation. Indeed, this is the very purpose of direct action. Nonviolent direct action seeks to create such a crisis and foster such a tension that a community which has constantly refused to negotiate is forced to confront the issue. It seeks so to dramatize the issue that it can no longer be ignored. My citing the creation of tension as part of the work of the nonviolent-resister may sound rather shocking. But I must confess that I am not afraid of the word "tension." I have earnestly opposed violent tension, but there is a type of constructive, nonviolent tension which is necessary for growth. Just as Socrates felt that it was necessary to create a tension in the mind so that individuals could rise from the bondage of myths and half-truths to the unfettered realm of creative analysis and objective appraisal, we must we see the need for nonviolent gadflies to create the kind of tension in society that will help men rise from the dark depths of prejudice and racism to the majestic heights of understanding and brotherhood.

The purpose of our direct-action program is to create a situation so crisis-packed that it will inevitably open the door to negotiation. I therefore concur with you in your call for negotiation. Too long has our beloved Southland been bogged down in a tragic effort to live in monologue rather than dialogue.

One of the basic points in your statement is that the action that I and my associates have taken in Birmingham is untimely. Some have asked: "Why didn't you give the new city administration time to act?" The only answer that I can give to this query is that the new Birmingham administration must be prodded about as much as the outgoing one, before it will act. We are sadly mistaken if we feel that the election of Albert Boutwell as mayor will bring the millennium to Birmingham. While Mr. Boutwell is a much more gentle person than Mr. Connor, they are both segregationists, dedicated to maintenance of the status quo. I have hope that Mr. Boutwell will be reasonable enough to see the futility of massive resistance to desegregation. But he will not see this without pressure from devotees of civil rights. My friends, I must say to you that we have not made a single gain civil rights without determined legal and nonviolent pressure. Lamentably, it is an historical fact that privileged groups seldom give up their privileges voluntarily. Individuals may see the moral light and voluntarily give up their unjust posture; but, as Reinhold Niebuhr has reminded us, groups tend to be more immoral than individuals.

We know through painful experience that freedom is never voluntarily given by the oppressor; it must be demanded by the oppressed. Frankly, I have yet to engage in a direct-action campaign that was "well timed" in the view of those who have not suffered unduly from the disease of segregation. For years now I have heard the word "Wait!" It rings in the ear of every Negro with piercing familiarity. This "Wait" has almost always meant 'Never." We must come to see, with one of our distinguished jurists, that "justice too long delayed is justice denied."

We have waited for more than 340 years for our constitutional and God-given rights. The nations of Asia and Africa are moving with jetlike speed toward gaining political independence, but we stiff creep at horse-and-buggy pace toward gaining a cup of coffee at a lunch counter. Perhaps it is easy for those who have never felt the stinging dark of segregation to say, "Wait." But when you have seen vicious mobs lynch your mothers and fathers at will and drown your sisters and brothers at whim; when you have seen hate-filled policemen curse, kick and even kill your black brothers and sisters; when you see the vast majority of your twenty million Negro brothers smothering in an airtight cage of poverty in the midst of an affluent society; when you suddenly find your tongue twisted and your speech stammering as you seek to explain to your six-year-old daughter why she can't go to the public amusement park that has just been advertised on television, and see tears welling up in her eyes when she is told that Funtown is closed to colored children, and see ominous clouds of inferiority beginning to form in her little mental sky, and see her beginning to distort her personality by developing an unconscious bitterness toward white people; when you have to concoct an answer for a five-year-old son who is asking: "Daddy, why do white people treat colored people so mean?"; when you take a cross-county drive and find it necessary to sleep night after night in the uncomfortable corners of your automobile because no motel will accept you; when you are humiliated day in and day out by nagging signs reading "white" and "colored"; when your first name becomes "nigger," your middle name becomes "boy" (however old you are) and your last name becomes "John," and your wife and mother are never given the respected title "Mrs."; when you are harried by day and haunted by night by the fact that you are a Negro, living constantly at tiptoe stance, never quite knowing what to expect next, and are plagued with inner fears and outer resentments; when you no forever fighting a degenerating sense of "nobodiness" then you will understand why we find it difficult to wait. There comes a time when the cup of endurance runs over, and men are no longer willing to be plunged into the abyss of despair. I hope, sirs, you can understand our legitimate and unavoidable impatience.

You express a great deal of anxiety over our willingness to break laws. This is certainly a legitimate concern. Since we so diligently urge people to obey the Supreme Court's decision of 1954 outlawing segregation in the public schools, at first glance it may seem rather paradoxical for us consciously to break laws. One may won ask: "How can you advocate breaking some laws and obeying others?" The answer lies in the fact that there fire two types of laws: just and unjust. I would be the Brat to advocate obeying just laws. One has not only a legal but a moral responsibility to obey just laws. Conversely, one has a moral responsibility to disobey unjust laws. I would agree with St. Augustine that "an unjust law is no law at all"

Now, what is the difference between the two? How does one determine whether a law is just or unjust? A just law is a man-made code that squares with the moral law or the law of God. An unjust law is a code that is out of harmony with the moral law. To put it in the terms of St. Thomas Aquinas: An unjust law is a human law that is not rooted in eternal law and natural law. Any law that uplifts human personality is just. Any law that degrades human personality is unjust. All segregation statutes are unjust because segregation distort the soul and damages the personality. It gives the segregator a false sense of superiority and the segregated a false sense of inferiority. Segregation, to use the terminology of the Jewish philosopher Martin Buber, substitutes an "I-it" relationship for an "I-thou" relationship and ends up relegating persons to the status of things. Hence segregation is not only politically, economically and sociologically unsound, it is morally wrong and awful. Paul Tillich said that sin is separation. Is not segregation an existential expression 'of man's tragic separation, his awful estrangement, his terrible sinfulness? Thus it is that I can urge men to obey the 1954 decision of the Supreme Court, for it is morally right; and I can urge them to disobey segregation ordinances, for they are morally wrong.

Let us consider a more concrete example of just and unjust laws. An unjust law is a code that a numerical or power majority group compels a minority group to obey but does not make binding on itself. This is difference made legal. By the same token, a just law is a code that a majority compels a minority to follow and that it is willing to follow itself. This is sameness made legal.

Let me give another explanation. A law is unjust if it is inflicted on a minority that, as a result of being denied the right to vote, had no part in enacting or devising the law. Who can say that the legislature of Alabama which set up that state's segregation laws was democratically elected? Throughout Alabama all sorts of devious methods are used to prevent Negroes from becoming registered voters, and there are some counties in which, even though Negroes constitute a majority of the population, not a single Negro is registered. Can any law enacted under such circumstances be considered democratically structured?

Sometimes a law is just on its face and unjust in its application. For instance, I have been arrested on a charge of parading without a permit. Now, there is nothing wrong in having an ordinance which requires a permit for a parade. But such an ordinance becomes unjust when it is used to maintain segregation and to deny citizens the First Amendment privilege of peaceful assembly and protest.

I hope you are able to ace the distinction I am trying to point out. In no sense do I advocate evading or defying the law, as would the rabid segregationist. That would lead to anarchy. One who breaks an unjust law must do so openly, lovingly, and with a willingness to accept the penalty. I submit that an individual who breaks a law that conscience tells him is unjust and who willingly accepts the penalty of imprisonment in order to arouse the conscience of the community over its injustice, is in reality expressing the highest respect for law.

Of course, there is nothing new about this kind of civil disobedience. It was evidenced sublimely in the refusal of Shadrach, Meshach and Abednego to obey the laws of Nebuchadnezzar, on the ground that a higher moral law was at stake. It was practiced superbly by the early Christians, who were willing to face hungry lions and the excruciating pain of chopping blocks rather than submit to certain unjust laws of the Roman Empire. To a degree, academic freedom is a reality today because Socrates practiced civil disobedience. In our own nation, the Boston Tea Party represented a massive act of civil disobedience.

We should never forget that everything Adolf Hitler did in Germany was "legal" and everything the Hungarian freedom fighters did in Hungary was "illegal." It was "illegal" to aid and comfort a Jew in Hitler's Germany. Even so, I am sure that, had I lived in Germany at the time, I would have aided and comforted my Jewish brothers. If today I lived in a Communist country where certain principles dear to the Christian faith are suppressed, I would openly advocate disobeying that country's antireligious laws.

I must make two honest confessions to you, my Christian and Jewish brothers. First, I must confess that over the past few years I have been gravely disappointed with the white moderate. I have almost reached the regrettable conclusion that the Negro's great stumbling block in his stride toward freedom is not the White Citizen's Counciler or the Ku Klux Klanner, but the white moderate, who is more devoted to "order" than to justice; who prefers a negative peace which is the absence of tension to a positive peace which is the presence of justice; who constantly says: "I agree with you in the goal you seek, but I cannot agree with your methods of direct action"; who paternalistically believes he can set the timetable for another man's freedom; who lives by a mythical concept of time and who constantly advises the Negro to wait for a "more convenient season." Shallow understanding from people of good will is more frustrating than absolute misunderstanding from people of ill will. Lukewarm acceptance is much more bewildering than outright rejection.

I had hoped that the white moderate would understand that law and order exist for the purpose of establishing justice and that when they fan in this purpose they become the dangerously structured dams that block the flow of social progress. I had hoped that the white moderate would understand that the present tension in the South is a necessary phase of the transition from an obnoxious negative peace, in which the Negro passively accepted his unjust plight, to a substantive and positive peace, in which all men will respect the dignity and worth of human personality. Actually, we who engage in nonviolent direct action are not the creators of tension. We merely bring to the surface the hidden tension that is already alive. We bring it out in the open, where it can be seen and dealt with. Like a boil that can never be cured so long as it is covered up but must be opened with an its ugliness to the natural medicines of air and light, injustice must be exposed, with all the tension its exposure creates, to the light of human conscience and the air of national opinion before it can be cured.

In your statement you assert that our actions, even though peaceful, must be condemned because they precipitate violence. But is this a logical assertion? Isn't this like condemning a robbed man because his possession of money precipitated the evil act of robbery? Isn't this like condemning Socrates because his unswerving commitment to truth and his philosophical inquiries precipitated the act by the misguided populace in which they made him drink hemlock? Isn't this like condemning Jesus because his unique God-consciousness and never-ceasing devotion to God's will precipitated the evil act of crucifixion? We must come to see that, as the federal courts have consistently affirmed, it is wrong to urge an individual to cease his efforts to gain his basic constitutional rights because the quest may precipitate violence. Society must protect the robbed and punish the robber.

I had also hoped that the white moderate would reject the myth concerning time in relation to the struggle for freedom. I have just received a letter from a white brother in Texas. He writes: "An Christians know that the colored people will receive equal rights eventually, but it is possible that you are in too great a religious hurry. It has taken Christianity almost two thousand years to accomplish what it has. The teachings of Christ take time to come to earth." Such an attitude stems from a tragic misconception of time, from the strangely rational notion that there is something in the very flow of time that will inevitably cure all ills. Actually, time itself is neutral; it can be used either destructively or constructively. More and more I feel that the people of ill will have used time much more effectively than have the people of good will. We will have to repent in this generation not merely for the hateful words and actions of the bad people but for the appalling silence of the good people. Human progress never rolls in on wheels of inevitability; it comes through the tireless efforts of men willing to be co-workers with God, and without this 'hard work, time itself becomes an ally of the forces of social stagnation. We must use time creatively, in the knowledge that the time is always ripe to do right. Now is the time to make real the promise of democracy and transform our pending national elegy into a creative psalm of brotherhood. Now is the time to lift our national policy from the quicksand of racial injustice to 6e solid rock of human dignity.

You speak of our activity in Birmingham as extreme. At fist I was rather disappointed that fellow clergymen would see my nonviolent efforts as those of an extremist. I began thinking about the fact that stand in the middle of two opposing forces in the Negro community. One is a force of complacency, made up in part of Negroes who, as a result of long years of oppression, are so drained of self-respect and a sense of "somebodiness" that they have adjusted to segregation; and in part of a few middle class Negroes who, because of a degree of academic and economic security and because in some ways they profit by segregation, have become insensitive to the problems of the masses. The other force is one of bitterness and hatred, and it comes perilously close to advocating violence. It is expressed in the various black nationalist groups that are springing up across the nation, the largest and best-known being Elijah Muhammad's Muslim movement. Nourished by the Negro's frustration over the continued existence of racial discrimination, this movement is made up of people who have lost faith in America, who have absolutely repudiated Christianity, and who have concluded that the white man is an incorrigible "devil."

I have tried to stand between these two forces, saying that we need emulate neither the "do-nothingism" of the complacent nor the hatred and despair of the black nationalist. For there is the more excellent way of love and nonviolent protest. I am grateful to God that, through the influence of the Negro church, the way of nonviolence became an integral part of our struggle.

If this philosophy had not emerged, by now many streets of the South would, I am convinced, be flowing with blood. And I am further convinced that if our white brothers dismiss as "rabble-rousers" and "outside agitators" those of us who employ nonviolent direct action, and if they refuse to support our nonviolent efforts, millions of Negroes will, out of frustration and despair, seek solace and security in black-nationalist ideologies a development that would inevitably lead to a frightening racial nightmare.

Oppressed people cannot remain oppressed forever. The yearning for freedom eventually manifests itself, and that is what has happened to the American Negro. Something within has reminded him of his birthright of freedom, and something without has reminded him that it can be gained. Consciously or unconsciously, he has been caught up by the Zeitgeist, and with his black brothers of Africa and his brown and yellow brothers of Asia, South America and the Caribbean, the United States Negro is moving with a sense of great urgency toward the promised land of racial justice. If one recognizes this vital urge that has engulfed the Negro community, one should readily understand why public demonstrations are taking place. The Negro has many pent-up resentments and latent frustrations, and he must release them. So let him march; let him make prayer pilgrimages to the city hall; let him go on freedom rides-and try to understand why he must do so. If his repressed emotions are not released in nonviolent ways, they will seek expression through violence; this is not a threat but a fact of history. So I have not said to my people: "Get rid of your discontent." Rather, I have tried to say that this normal and healthy discontent can be channeled into the creative outlet of nonviolent direct action. And now this approach is being termed extremist.

But though I was initially disappointed at being categorized as an extremist, as I continued to think about the matter I gradually gained a measure of satisfaction from the label. Was not Jesus an extremist for love: "Love your enemies, bless them that curse you, do good to them that hate you, and pray for them which despitefully use you, and persecute you." Was not Amos an extremist for justice: "Let justice roll down like waters and righteousness like an ever-flowing stream." Was not Paul an extremist for the Christian gospel: "I bear in my body the marks of the Lord Jesus." Was not Martin Luther an extremist: "Here I stand; I cannot do otherwise, so help me God." And John Bunyan: "I will stay in jail to the end of my days before I make a butchery of my conscience." And Abraham Lincoln: "This nation cannot survive half slave and half free." And Thomas Jefferson: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that an men are created equal ..." So the question is not whether we will be extremists, but what kind of extremists we viii be. We we be extremists for hate or for love? Will we be extremist for the preservation of injustice or for the extension of justice? In that dramatic scene on Calvary's hill three men were crucified. We must never forget that all three were crucified for the same crime---the crime of extremism. Two were extremists for immorality, and thus fell below their environment. The other, Jeans Christ, was an extremist for love, truth and goodness, and thereby rose above his environment. Perhaps the South, the nation and the world are in dire need of creative extremists.

I had hoped that the white moderate would see this need. Perhaps I was too optimistic; perhaps I expected too much. I suppose I should have realized that few members of the oppressor race can understand the deep groans and passionate yearnings of the oppressed race, and still fewer have the vision to see that injustice must be rooted out by strong, persistent and determined action. I am thankful, however, that some of our white brothers in the South have grasped the meaning of this social revolution and committed themselves to it. They are still too few in quantity, but they are big in quality. Some-such as Ralph McGill, Lillian Smith, Harry Golden, James McBride Dabbs, Ann Braden and Sarah Patton Boyle---have written about our struggle in eloquent and prophetic terms. Others have marched with us down nameless streets of the South. They have languished in filthy, roach-infested jails, suffering the abuse and brutality of policemen who view them as "dirty nigger lovers." Unlike so many of their moderate brothers and sisters, they have recognized the urgency of the moment and sensed the need for powerful "action" antidotes to combat the disease of segregation.

Let me take note of my other major disappointment. I have been so greatly disappointed with the white church and its leadership. Of course, there are some notable exceptions. I am not unmindful of the fact that each of you has taken some significant stands on this issue. I commend you, Reverend Stallings, for your Christian stand on this past Sunday, in welcoming Negroes to your worship service on a non segregated basis. I commend the Catholic leaders of this state for integrating Spring Hill College several years ago.

But despite these notable exceptions, I must honestly reiterate that I have been disappointed with the church. I do not say this as one of those negative critics who can always find something wrong with the church. I say this as a minister of the gospel, who loves the church; who was nurtured in its bosom; who 'has been sustained by its spiritual blessings and who will remain true to it as long as the cord of Rio shall lengthen.

When I was suddenly catapulted into the leadership of the bus protest in Montgomery, Alabama, a few years ago, I felt we would be supported by the white church felt that the white ministers, priests and rabbis of the South would be among our strongest allies. Instead, some have been outright opponents, refusing to understand the freedom movement and misrepresenting its leader era; an too many others have been more cautious than courageous and have remained silent behind the anesthetizing security of stained-glass windows.

In spite of my shattered dreams, I came to Birmingham with the hope that the white religious leadership of this community would see the justice of our cause and, with deep moral concern, would serve as the channel through which our just grievances could reach the power structure. I had hoped that each of you would understand. But again I have been disappointed.

I have heard numerous southern religious leaders admonish their worshipers to comply with a desegregation decision because it is the law, but I have longed to hear white ministers declare: "Follow this decree because integration is morally right and because the Negro is your brother." In the midst of blatant injustices inflicted upon the Negro, I have watched white churchmen stand on the sideline and mouth pious irrelevancies and sanctimonious trivialities. In the midst of a mighty struggle to rid our nation of racial and economic injustice, I have heard many ministers say: "Those are social issues, with which the gospel has no real concern." And I have watched many churches commit themselves to a completely other worldly religion which makes a strange, on Biblical distinction between body and soul, between the sacred and the secular.

I have traveled the length and breadth of Alabama, Mississippi and all the other southern states. On sweltering summer days and crisp autumn mornings I have looked at the South's beautiful churches with their lofty spires pointing heavenward. I have beheld the impressive outlines of her massive religious-education buildings. Over and over I have found myself asking: "What kind of people worship here? Who is their God? Where were their voices when the lips of Governor Barnett dripped with words of interposition and nullification? Where were they when Governor Walleye gave a clarion call for defiance and hatred? Where were their voices of support when bruised and weary Negro men and women decided to rise from the dark dungeons of complacency to the bright hills of creative protest?"

Yes, these questions are still in my mind. In deep disappointment I have wept over the laxity of the church. But be assured that my tears have been tears of love. There can be no deep disappointment where there is not deep love. Yes, I love the church. How could I do otherwise? l am in the rather unique position of being the son, the grandson and the great-grandson of preachers. Yes, I see the church as the body of Christ. But, oh! How we have blemished and scarred that body through social neglect and through fear of being nonconformists.

There was a time when the church was very powerful in the time when the early Christians rejoiced at being deemed worthy to suffer for what they believed. In those days the church was not merely a thermometer that recorded the ideas and principles of popular opinion; it was a thermostat that transformed the mores of society. Whenever the early Christians entered a town, the people in power became disturbed and immediately sought to convict the Christians for being "disturbers of the peace" and "outside agitators"' But the Christians pressed on, in the conviction that they were "a colony of heaven," called to obey God rather than man. Small in number, they were big in commitment. They were too God intoxicated to be "astronomically intimidated." By their effort and example they brought an end to such ancient evils as infanticide. and gladiatorial contests.

Things are different now. So often the contemporary church is a weak, ineffectual voice with an uncertain sound. So often it is an archdefender of the status quo. Par from being disturbed by the presence of the church, the power structure of the average community is consoled by the church's silent and often even vocal sanction of things as they are.

But the judgment of God is upon the church as never before. If today's church does not recapture the sacrificial spirit of the early church, it vi lose its authenticity, forfeit the loyalty of millions, and be dismissed as an irrelevant social club with no meaning for the twentieth century. Every day I meet young people whose disappointment with the church has turned into outright disgust.

Perhaps I have once again been too optimistic. Is organized religion too inextricably bound to the status quo to save our nation and the world? Perhaps I must turn my faith to the inner spiritual church, the church within the church, as the true ekklesia and the hope of the world. But again I am thankful to God that some noble souls from the ranks of organized religion have broken loose from the paralyzing chains of conformity and joined us as active partners in the struggle for freedom, They have left their secure congregations and walked the streets of Albany, Georgia, with us. They have gone down the highways of the South on tortuous rides for freedom. Yes, they have gone to jai with us. Some have been dismissed from their churches, have lost the support of their bishops and fellow ministers. But they have acted in the faith that right defeated is stronger than evil triumphant. Their witness has been the spiritual salt that has preserved the true meaning of the gospel in these troubled times. They have carved a tunnel of hope through the dark mountain of disappointment.

I hope the church as a whole will meet the challenge of this decisive hour. But even if the church does not come to the aid of justice, I have no despair about the future. I have no fear about the outcome of our struggle in Birmingham, even if our motives are at present misunderstood. We will reach the goal of freedom in Birmingham, ham and all over the nation, because the goal of America k freedom. Abused and scorned though we may be, our destiny is tied up with America's destiny. Before the pilgrims landed at Plymouth, we were here. Before the pen of Jefferson etched the majestic words of the Declaration of Independence across the pages of history, we were here. For more than two centuries our forebears labored in this country without wages; they made cotton king; they built the homes of their masters while suffering gross injustice and shameful humiliation-and yet out of a bottomless vitality they continued to thrive and develop. If the inexpressible cruelties of slavery could not stop us, the opposition we now face will surely fail. We will win our freedom because the sacred heritage of our nation and the eternal will of God are embodied in our echoing demands.

Before closing I feel impelled to mention one other point in your statement that has troubled me profoundly. You warmly commended the Birmingham police force for keeping "order" and "preventing violence." I doubt that you would have so warmly commended the police force if you had seen its dogs sinking their teeth into unarmed, nonviolent Negroes. I doubt that you would so quickly commend the policemen if .you were to observe their ugly and inhumane treatment of Negroes here in the city jail; if you were to watch them push and curse old Negro women and young Negro girls; if you were to see them slap and kick old Negro men and young boys; if you were to observe them, as they did on two occasions, refuse to give us food because we wanted to sing our grace together. I cannot join you in your praise of the Birmingham police department.

It is true that the police have exercised a degree of discipline in handing the demonstrators. In this sense they have conducted themselves rather "nonviolently" in pubic. But for what purpose? To preserve the evil system of segregation. Over the past few years I have consistently preached that nonviolence demands that the means we use must be as pure as the ends we seek. I have tried to make clear that it is wrong to use immoral means to attain moral ends. But now I must affirm that it is just as wrong, or perhaps even more so, to use moral means to preserve immoral ends. Perhaps Mr. Connor and his policemen have been rather nonviolent in public, as was Chief Pritchett in Albany, Georgia but they have used the moral means of nonviolence to maintain the immoral end of racial injustice. As T. S. Eliot has said: "The last temptation is the greatest treason: To do the right deed for the wrong reason."

I wish you had commended the Negro sit-inners and demonstrators of Birmingham for their sublime courage, their willingness to suffer and their amazing discipline in the midst of great provocation. One day the South will recognize its real heroes. They will be the James Merediths, with the noble sense of purpose that enables them to face Jeering, and hostile mobs, and with the agonizing loneliness that characterizes the life of the pioneer. They will be old, op